Showing posts with label Japanese fashion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Japanese fashion. Show all posts

Friday, October 8, 2010

Fashion Magazines in Japan as sophisticated brand building tools

Fashion magazines in Japan are not an objective review of market offerings based on expert analysis nor are they about statements. They are sources of raw information expertly selected, following a set of seasonally changing rules within a given subculture – an authoritative source of information. It is a practical top-down legitimization of fashion brands, and how to coordinate and wear them.

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[note] parts of this article are heavily based on the theories and articles from W. David Marx, who assisted in uncovering many of the dynamics described in this text.

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Those with money can choose more freely which subculture they wish to belong to. Being able to choose (and afford for that matter) certain luxury products, means being able to belong or to produce the image that you are able to copy more complex social codes. Japanese consumers study magazines to be educated enough to conform to the rules of the season and interpret them according to the demands of their networks. Magazines readers want to pick an individual style out of the framework of safe and socially acceptable clothes selected with media approval.

In Japan, buying a certain magazine gives others the impression that you are interested in the specific style promoted by the magazine (mote-kei, post-gyaru, girly, high fashion, to name a few). Wearing a certain handbag brand does not define your personality in the eyes of others, but belonging to social groups, being 'oshare' (trendy, fashion-conscious) or belonging to a life-stage (mature, student). Of course, these messages are not universal and often function only in combination (a certain handbag in combination with certain clothes).

The complexity of the combinations possible and the grade of understanding them gives others who are adept at reading the signs a grade of understanding how "oshare" the wearer is or what social group she belongs to. In order to be able to judge these signs, consumers of social segments have to constantly keep themselves updated by reading magazines, blogs and other sources that "inform" them of actually practiced trends and their possible combinations. A person considered oshare by people who keep themselves informed successfully, is able to navigate safely and easily through the complex system of messages.
There is involved both a positive and a negative experience in the fashion imperative of Japan. That is the desire and feeling of belonging, and the fear of standing out or even being cast out of a group, respectively.

When the consumers follow authorities (magazines, famous brands) it decrease the amount of social choices or social situations, freeing them from having to constantly worry about being judged negatively and wear what they like in a safe context. Without a safe context living in a highly structured society like Japan may cause substantial stress. Generally speaking, the only consumer products that succeed in Japan are the ones that have been legitimized by some sort of authority. Mass media acceptance is solid proof that a brand is among the safe choices and is socially relevant.

HOW SHOULD WESTERN BRANDS USE THE MEDIA?
Brands are often not aware of the ubiquitous usage of styles for messaging and their meaning in Japan. The important thing is to understand how this system works, how foreign brands are combined with domestic styles, and how much of their original brand image is stripped away or dispersed, and replaced by perceived images of status and ownership groups.

Which group of people wears a certain brand? Which group of people usually follows this style? These images are largely formed also by the magazines that the brands choose to advertise in. Japanese consumers simply assume that if a brand advertises in a certain group of magazines (that are representing a certain style) then that brand is to be identified with the readers and styles of those magazines. Simply put, if a brand advertises in magazines for young “girly style” magazines then the readers will assume that the brand is for young girly Japanese consumers. Use a certain model for endorsements of the brand, and women who identify with the model will identify with the brand. These dynamics are also known in the West, but in Japan the categories are more clear cut and therefore allow a much clearer identification of styles and user groups. As W. David Marx has put it in one of his latest articles for Neojaponisme, "Real Harajuku Girls, For Real":

“In Japan, you can often judge a book by its cover. Consumers embrace a total, well-defined “taste culture” in which to consume, and once inside that group — usually defined by a specific magazine — they buy goods very faithfully to that culture. We should also remember that there is a certain predestination in which “taste culture” consumers gravitate towards.”

More important than the image it creates when a brand advertises in some magazines is the image that is created if a brand does NOT advertise in a certain magazine. For the readership reading that magazine, the brand will have no relevance and will not be able to change the messaging to those readers. What will remain are preconceived ideas that the consumer will receive from within networks through word of mouth.

Now it gets more complicated than this. A typical Japanese fashion obsessed girl does not read one magazine. They read between three and ten. Each magazine has a very different and distinctive image of its typical readership, set of models, set of brands it displays, and objective. Magazines are categorized into style categories, and certain styles form popular combinations with other styles (i.e. post-gyaru with high fashion). Others are on opposite sides of the spectrum, hard or impossible to align.

Brands must understand that which magazines a brand uses or does not use creates highly complex messages to different consumer groups. The effect heavily contributes to forming the brand image. Ignoring this is to leave a huge part of the development of the brand image up to chance and to dynamics within networks.

So where is the problem for Western brands using Japanese media? Most high end brands advertise selectively in high fashion magazines that give the brand legitimacy, but are not read by the majority of the young consumer audience. They place their brand’s products in magazines advertorials, where the location and style presented has nothing to do with the brand image originating from the country of origin.

Moreover, many high luxury brands advertise and select advertorials only in magazines that are perceived to have a readership of potential buying customers. As Kapferer emphasizes in his book “The Luxury Strategy”: “...don’t advertise to sell”. Luxury brands leave the complex process of building up a brand image among young consumers to chance. They miss out on the opportunity to convey the brand’s story, the narrative, and image to young consumers. Consequently the “akogare” (the looking up to) to the brand is constructed within networks, and does not originate from the brands themselves.

Depth and context are perceived as being minefields for Japanese brands. But foreign luxury brands operate within this context and are mixed in with the Japanese narrative. Broader cultural context could make adoptions of foreign brand narratives difficult. Although they do not do so, Japanese magazines could easily convey messages of heritage, and references to the history of brands or their more complex meanings and statements. Popular Japanese magazines are not interested in brand building and foreign brands do not use them as brand building tools. But if used correctly, magazines in Japan are a highly sophisticated tool for building up brand images. You have only to understand clearly the dynamics.

The life of a brand or its brand image is simply not sustainable without a deep narrative that becomes embedded in the cultural landscape. The question is how to construct a narrative that goes beyond the dichotomy of East/West status markers. How are we to create narratives with depth, intimacy, and relevance that leads to sustainable outcomes?

What we are proposing is that the way to build up a brand image is not exclusively through abstract statements, a relatively foreign concept to Japanese consumers that they readily ignore. Using magazines successfully is about becoming part of the machinery or the flow of the fashion consumption dynamic.

To illustrate: Using a half-Japanese model is a key tactic of Japanese brands. They look foreign enough to enhance the image of the clothing but close enough to the Japanese consumers to send a message of commonality. Also, half-Japanese models tend to be more extroverted, embodying “akogare” (someone to aspire to be like) not for their looks, but their attitude vis-a-vis a highly structured society that leaves women with limited choices. A model such as Hasegawa Jun embodies this “freedom of expression”. Yet foreign brands do not consider the use of half-Japanese or Japanese models for brand building, as it is still considered not appropriate for Japanese or half-Japanese models to represent a brand whose aura is originating from the West. Many Japanese consumers consider Western models as superior to Japanese ones and would lose some sort of respect for the brand as a status symbol if Western brands would use Japanese models for brand advertising. Especially women reading high fashion titles such as Vogue, Sou-en and Spur would not be fond of this. At the same time it is accepted to use Japanese and half-Japanese models in advertorials wearing items from Western brands. In this case the Japanese woman "consumes" the brand, but does not "represent" it. The statement that a Western brand should never let itself down to the point where it "allows" a Japanese woman to represent it is voiced by the majority of Japanese consumers, not by Western observers. The issue seems to be complex and deeply rooted within the roles that Western brands played in the 80s and 90s in Japan and the way Japanese women see themselves vis-a-vis the West.

Japanese magazines use Japanese models (Senzoku system) in order to create sympathy and self-association between readers and models. Japanese OLs and students for the most part have no fantastical aspirations towards the artistic side of fashion. They are happy to see themselves in the shoes of Ebi-chan. Aspiration means seeing yourself in a slightly elevated version of your own reality (standing on tip-toes, “Se no bi o suru”). A heightened version of yourself, basically.

Each magazine’s visual approach not only creates the proper environment for appreciating the clothes/bags, but submerges the reader into a slightly upgraded and aspired to version of his or her own reality. It is verily not an abstract image that creates a complicated personality association.
Magazines are a reference point offering basic information. After that you need confirmation from your networks. This is how brands can reach the tipping point to becoming legitimate. When a certain threshold is reached within a group, a tipping point might be reached. What follows then is fast and thorough adoption. We advise brands to think differently, think social, in Japan. You must look for thresholds of tipping points.

Thursday, November 5, 2009

Superflat Monogram, connecting to the young



This is nothing short of genius. The beats are decent, the whole thing in Miyazaki style, cute enough for to hook every young girl, yet aesthetic and cool enough for older audiences. Playful and light, with a drop of fantasy here and clear references to Alice in Wonderland there. So here we get it, LV makes the Japanese version of Alice. Fantasy in this country is born through the brands on Omotesando, and in the end, all is shared over the city through your mobile phone. Symbolic exchange (yes, Baudrillard) through the screen. In the moment she has sent the pictures out to her friends, the fantasy became reality. And yet part of the dream stays only with herself. LV takes her on a trip. That young girl can now aspire to something, when she is older, she will be able to purchase into that dream...that is, if it is not damaged along the way by overexposure of Shibuya Gyaru who are not so much Murakami style.

[ comment start
I wonder if someone shares my perception that the most distinct "Japanese culture" element in this clip is the moment when all her friends receive her message on their mobile phone (seeing scenes in Shinjuku, Shibuya, Suidobashi Tokyo Dome, in front of a juku/Japanese cram school with 進学 written on the window). I think this is a very accurate observation of youth culture and the way that their world revolves not only around their mobile phones but through the immediate possibility of sharing an experience and connecting to the world around them. This experience without her friends would be isolated, apart from the group, and not real. Sen to Chihiro from Miyazaki lets Chihiro experience her fantasy alone. Only her friends in the other world understand her. Very indidvidualistic, even western. But this here is different. You experience individuality through adhering to a group norm, share it with the community and get the feeling of setting yourself apart (always in the group) through staying ahead on a trend, that is again defined by group norms. It´s self-referential and presupposes changes implemented from the outside, external influences (for example in the form of a strong brand with authority, like LV).
] comment end

The sophistication of this advertisement is difficult to align with some of the customers that exhibit the brand openly. Yet, is it a contradiction? Misuse of a brand's image for subcultures not directly associated with the
intended brand image, are not always bad for a brand. More thorough semiotic analysis of the media dynamic would be necessary.

Yesterday I had a talk with a university student, highly eduacted, from one of the prestigious private big names, who told me something that made me think. When she entered University, she started a part-time job, and earned her own money. It was the first time that she thought about its value, and what she would like to spend it for. It was earned, and she started to question the value of just spending all that for a handbag from LV. It was not that she had less money than before, when she aspired to own one. It was that she saw no reason to make an effort to obtain it. As long as it was easy and without emotional investment from her side, she was willing to own a LV bag. The question is now how to give the brand enough emotional value in order to give them enough reason to make that effort.

What surpised me even more were the contradictory opinions of a university student and his girlfriend. She was convinced that her boyfriend would not like girls who own a LV bag, considering them to be less individualistic. Yet his opinion, if asked seperately of course, was that girls who carry such a bag are female and sophisticated. Wouldn't be the first time that couples have different perceptions about shared values. But it starts to interest me if you can align the images of male and female consumers in Japan, even from the same social segment, even university. I was wondering if the survey that I am about to conduct at the end of the month should also include male consumers and their image on certain brands. It seems to me that girls (especially highly educated ones who have the comfort of being able to lead a more independent professional life) are much more critical about the image of LV than their male counterparts.

I dont think a normal survey with both male/female participants who answer the same questions, would account for the complexity of the issue. What about doing it differently, by asking women for their perceptions on the brand and the (perceived) image it has on the other sex, while trying to find out the real image male consumers have of different female consumer segments carrying those famous bags.

Monday, November 2, 2009

Attempt to clarify opinion building in the Japanese fashion market

This posting will be clarified soon. The featured page from my notebook shows a dynamic within the Japanese fashion/apparel market.

Fashion and style magazines create styles, featuring certain brands which are sold in certain channels (as for example Marui Department Store, that features a lot of brands that are promoted in the magazine CanCam). Instead of only the brands being associated with a certain style, the department store is associated with a style/magazine that created/promotes it. This raises the interesting question, who are the girls who shop/buy/read the style of a certain department store (opposed to just a magazine).

If you take this one level higher (abstract) you end up with magazines promoting certain lifepaths that lead to a certain social mobility (or a style that thrives by the absence of the latter). All this is again connected to the division of labor, gender roles, and to the discrimination (in a western sense, if we take the cultural relativism argument seriously) of women in domestic life and the working place (but again, check please Office ladies and salaried men, for a more sophisticated account on gender division and labor in Japanese big corporations).

So, what really supports the high demand for fashionable clothing and "acceptable" outfits (also, at least not rejected) by the other sex, is the clearly defined and recreated gender roles. The ability of a woman to get a husband with a high paying job is treated like an asset that can be built up. But more on that later. I am working now on a model that allows the integration of my three-level luxury marketing model with the role of magazines and subcultures in Japan. It will support my argument that reading certain magazines can limit/enhace your choice of lifestyle paths (and therefore upward social mobility).

Monday, October 19, 2009

Fashion cliques and sub-cultures





















Michael Zielenziger makes an interesting statement in his book "Shutting out the Sun" (2006) by comparing the behavior of Japanese young women (and men) of selecting the "uniform" of a group they aspire to and of expecting a reaction/approval by this group, with the clashing of social high school cliques in the US. The difference of Japan, so he continues, lies in the fact that this ritual or process continues into adulthood and symbolizes on a more profound level the "infantilization" of adult Japanese who have become accustomed to following the demands imposed on them by others (and of not asserting a right of choice and self-determination).

His conclusion strikes me as somewhat simplified. The social dynamics are created by societal rules and rituals that are created and reproduced in a complex interaction between fashion, elites, education, corporate culture and sub-cultures. Following peer-pressure and group norms is not uniquely Japanese. The group norms in the US are different (emphasizing assertion and self-confident behavior), the punishments take other forms (but are not less severe). Still the observation is correct, the rituals continue longer and in a more regulated fashion. Yet, the magazines and channels for creating the styles copied and adapted are diverse and can be altered by the sub-cultures and external shocks.

Wearing any kind of brand makes you feel more self-confident by assuring you the consent and approval of a group. Identity choices are the selection among offered possibilities. These "roles" are not only present in high school or university life but continue for the "shakaijin" (members of society), giving them "roles" or personalities among which to select. These "types" exist in the West, too. Maybe their signs and codes are not as explicitly codified and published in magazines, or discussed and as widely known as in Japan. If that is true remains to be debated.

Magazine breakdown for women under 30 (MEKAS): http://mekas.jp/en/tutorials/132.xhtml#1
for women over 30: http://mekas.jp/en/tutorials/320.xhtml#1